Campbell
versus Hall.
IN
THE COURT OF KING'S BENCH, CHANCERY AND COMMON PLEAS
Original Printed Version (PDF)
Original
Citation: (1774) 1 Cowp 204
English
Reports Citation: 98 E.R. 1045
1774.
S. C.
Lofft, 665; see Sottomayor v. De Barros, 1879, 5 P. D. 106; West Rand Central
Gold Mining Company v. Rex [1905], 2 K. B. 406.
Campbell
versus Hall. 1774.
This
case was very elaborately argued four several times; and now on this day Lord
Mansfield stated the case, and delivered the unanimous opinion of the Court, as
follows:
This is an action that was brought by the plaintiff James
Campbell, who is a natural born subject of this kingdom, and who, upon the 3d
of March 1763, purchased a plantation in the island of Grenada: and it is
brought against the defendant [205] William Hall, who was a collector for His
Majesty of a duty of four and an half per cent, upon all goods and sugars
exported from the island of Grenada. And the action is brought to recover back
a sum of money which was paid, as this duty of four and an half per cent., upon
sugars that were exported from the island of Grenada, by and on account of the
plaintiff. The action is an action for money had and received ; and it is
brought upon this ground; namely, that the money was paid to the defendant
without any consideration; the duty, for which, and in respect of which he received
1046 CAMPBELL V. HALL 1 COWP. 208.
it, not
having been imposed by lawful or sufficient authority to warrant the same. It
is stated by the special verdict, that that money still remains in the hands of
the defendant, not paid over by him to the use of the King, but continued in
his hands, and so continues with the privity and consent of His Majesty's
Attorney General, for the express purpose of trying the question as to the
validity of imposing this duty.
It came on to be tried at Guildhall, and of course, from the
nature of the question, both sides came prepared to have a special verdict; and
a special verdict was found, which states as follows.
That the island of Grenada was taken by the British arms, in
open war, from the French King.
That the island of Grenada surrendered upon capitulation,
and that the capitulation on which it surrendered, was by reference to the
capitulation upon which the island of Martinique had before surrendered.
The
special verdict then states some articles of the capitulation, and particularly
the 5th article, by which it is agreed, that Grenada should continue to be
governed by its present laws until His Majesty's further pleasure be known. It
next states the 6th article ; where, to a demand of the inhabitants of Grenada,
requiring that they should be maintained in their property and effects,
moveable and immoveable, of what nature soever, and that they should be
preserved in their privileges, rights, honors, and exemptions; the answer is,
the inhabitants, being subjects of Great Britain, will enjoy their properties
and privileges in like manner as the other His Majesty's subjects in the other
British Leeward Islands : so that the answer is, that they will have the
consequences of their being subjects, and that they will be as much subjects as
any of the other Leeward Islands.
Then it
states another article of the capitulation; viz. the 7th article, by which they
demand, that they shall pay no other [206] duties than what they before paid to
the French King; that the capitation tax shall be the same, and that the
expences of the Courts of Justice, and of the administration of government,
should be paid out of the King's demesne: in answer to which they are referred
to the answer I have stated, as given to the foregoing article; that is, being
subjects they will be entitled in like manner as the other His Majesty's
subjects in the British Leeward Islands.
The next
thing stated in the special verdict is, the treaty of peace signed the 10th
February, 1763; and it states that part of the treaty of peace by which the
island of Grenada is ceded; and some clauses which are not at all material for
me to state.
The next
instrument is a proclamation under the Great Seal, bearing date the 7th of
October, 1763, wherein amongst other things it is said aa follows :
Whereas it will greatly contribute to the speedy settling
our said governments, of which the island of Grenada is one, that our loving
subjects should be informed of our paternal care for the security of the
liberties and properties of those who are and shall become inhabitants thereof:
we have thought fit to publish and declare by this our proclamation, that we
have in our letters patent under our Great Seal of Great Britain, by which the
said governments are constituted, given express power and direction to our
governors of the said colonies respectively, that so soon as the state and
ciroumatances of the said colonies will admit thereof, they shall, with the
advice and consent of the members of our council summon and call general assemblies,
within the said governments respectively, in such manner and form as is used
and directed in those colonies and provinces of America, which are already
under our immediate government; and we have also given power to the said
governors, with the consent of our said councils, and the representatives of
the people to be summoned as aforeÁsaid, to make, constitute, and ordain laws,
statutes, and Ordinances, for the public peace, welfare, and good government of
our said colonies and the inhabitants thereof, as near as may be agreeable to
the laws of England, and under such regulations and restrictions, as are used
in our other colonies.
The next
instrument stated in the special verdict, is the letters patent under the Great
Seal, or rather a proclamation, bearing date the 26th March, 1764; wherein, the
King recites a survey and division of the ceded islands, and that he had
ordered them [207] to be divided into allotments, as an invitation to
purchasers to come in and purchase upon the terms and conditions specified in
that proclamation.
The next
instrument stated, is the letters patent under the Great Seal, bearing date the
9th of April, 1764. In these letters there is a commission appointing General
1COWP. m CAMPBELL V. HALL 1047
Melville
Governor, with a power to summon an assembly as soon as the state and
circumstances of the island would admit, and to make laws with consent of the
governor and council, with reference to the manner of the other assemblies of
the King's provinces in America. This instrument is dated the 9th of April,
1764. The governor arrived in Grenada on the 14th December, 1764, and before
the end of the year 1765, an assembly actually met in the island of Grenada.
But before the arrival of the governor at Grenada, indeed before his departure
from London, there is another instrument upon the validity of which the whole
question turns, which instrument contains letters patent under the Great Seal,
bearing date the 20th July, 1764. Wherein, the King reciting, that whereas, in
Barbadoes, and in all the British Leeward Islands, there was a duty of four and
an half per cent, upon all sugars, &c. exported ; and reciting in these
words; that whereas it is reasonable and expedient, and of importance to our
other sugar islands, that the like duty should take place in our said island of
Grenada; proceeds thus : We have thought fit, and our Eoyal will and pleasure
is, and we do hereby, by virtue of our prerogative Eoyal, order, direct, and
appoint, that from, and after the 29th day of September next ensuing the date
of these presents, a duty or impost of four and a half per cent, in specie,
shall be raised and paid to us, our heirs and successors, upon all dead
commodities, the growth and produce of our said island of Grenada, that shall
be shipped off from the same, in lieu of all customs and import duties,
hitherto collected upon goods imported and exported into and out of the said
island, under the authority of His Most Christian Majesty.
The apecial verdict then states that in fact this duty of
four and an half per cent. is paid in all the British Leeward Islands, and sets
forth the several Acts of Assembly relative to these duties. They are public
Acts: therefore, I shall not state them; as any gentleman may have access to
them ; they depend upon different circumstances and occasions, but are all
referable to those duties in our islands. This, with what I set out with in the
opening, [208] is the whole of the special verdict that is material to the
question.
The general question that arises out of all these facts
found by the special verdict, ia this; whether the letters patent under the
Great Seal, bearing date the 20th July,
1764, are good and valid to abolish the French duties ; and
in lieu thereof to impose the four arid half per cent, duty above mentioned,
which is paid in all the British
Leeward Islands ?
It has been contended at the Bar, that the letters patent
are void on two points ; the first is, that although they had been made before
the proclamation of the 7th October, 1763, yet the King could not exercise such
a legislative power over a conquered country.
The second point is, that though the King had sufficient
power and authority before the 7th October, 1763, to do such legislative act,
yet before the letters patent of the 20th July, 1764, he had divested himself
of that authority.
A great deal has been said, and many authorities cited
relative to propositions, in which both sides seem to be perfectly agreed; and
which, indeed are too clear to be controverted. The stating some of those propositions which we think
quite clear, will lead us to see with greater perspicuity, what is the question
upon the first point, and upon what hinge it turns. I will state the propositions at large, and the first
is this: A country conquered by the British arms becomes a dominion of the King
in the right of his Crown; and, therefore, necessarily subject to the
Legislature, the Parliament of Great Britain.
The 2d is, that the conquered inhabitants once received
under the King's protection, become subjects, and are to be universally
considered in that light, not as enemies or aliens.
The 3d, that the articles of capitulation upon which the
country is surrendered, and the articles of peace by which it is ceded, are
sacred and inviolable according to their true intent and meaning.
The 4th, that the law and legislative government of every
dominion, equally affects all persona and all property within the limits
thereof; and is the rule of decision for all questions which arise there. Whoever purchases, lives, or sues
there, puts himself under the law of the place. An Englishman in Ireland, Minorca, the Isle of Man, or
the plantations, has no privilege distinct from the natives, [209] The 5th,
that the laws of a conquered country continue in force, until they are altered
by the conqueror: the absurd exception as to pagans, mentioned in Calvin's
1048 CAMPBELL V. HALL 1 COWF. 210.
case,
shews the universality and antiquity of the maxim. For that distinction could
not exiat before the Christian sera; and in all probability arose from the mad
enthusiasm of the Croisades. In the present case the capitulation expressly
provides and agrees, that they shall continue to be governed by their own laws,
until His Majesty's further pleasure be known.
The 6th, and last proposition is, that if the King (and when
I say the King, I always mean the King without the concurrence of Parliament,)
has a power to alter the old and to introduce new laws in a conquered country,
this legislation being subordinate, that is, subordinate to his own authority
in Parliament, he cannot make any new change contrary to fundamental principles
: he cannot exempt an inhabitant from that particular dominion ; as for
instance, from the laws of trade, or from the power of Parliament, or give him
privileges exclusive of his other subjects ; and so in many other instances
which might be put.
But the present change, if it had been made before the 7th
October 1763, would have been made recently after the cession of Grenada by
treaty, and is in itself most reasonable, equitable, and political; for it is
putting Grenada, as to duties, on the same footing with all the British Leeward
Islands. If Grenada paid more it would have been detrimental to her ; if less,
it must be detrimental to the other Leeward Islands : nay, it would have been
carrying the capitulation into execution, which gave the people of Grenada
hopes, that if any new tax was laid on, their case would be the same with their
fellow subjects in the other Leeward Islands.
The only question then on this first point is, whether the
King had a power to make such change between the 10th of February, 1763, the
day the treaty of peace was signed, and the 7th October, 1763? Taking these
propositions to be true which I have stated; the only question is, whether the
King had of himself that power 1
It ia left by the constitution to the King's authority to
grant or refuse a capitulaÁtion : if he refuses, and puts the inhabitants to
the sword or exterminates them, all the lands belong to him. If he receives the
inhabitants under his protection and gratits them their property, he has a
power to fix such terms and conditions as he thinks proper. He is intrusted
with making the [210] treaty of peace: he may yield up the conquest, or retain
it upon what terms he pleases. These powers no man ever disputed, neither has
it hitherto been controverted that the King might change part or the whole of
the law or political form of government of a conquered dominion.
To go into the history of the conquests made by the Crown of
England.
The conquest and the alteration of the laws of Ireland have
been variously and learnedly discussed by lawyers and writers of great fame, at
different periods of time : but no man ever said, that the change in the laws
of that country was made by the Parliament of England : no man ever said the
Crown could not do it. The fact in truth, after all the researches which have
been made, comes out clearly to be, as it is laid down by Lord Chief Justice
Vaughan, that Ireland received the laws of England, by the charters and
commands of Hen. 2, King John, Hen. 3, and he adds an et csatera to take in Ed.
1, and the subsequent Kings. And he shews clearly the mistake of imagining that
the charters of the 12th of John, were by the assent of a Parliament of Ireland.
Whenever the first Parliament was called in Ireland, that change was introÁduced
without the interposition of the Parliament of England ; and must, therefore,
be derived from the Crown,
Mr. Barrington is well warranted in saying that the Statute
of Wales, 12 Ed. 1st, is certainly no more than regulations made by the King in
his Council, for the GovernÁment of Wales, which the preamble says was then
totally subdued. Though, for various political purposes, he feigned Wales to be
a feoff of his Crown ; yet he governed it as a conquest. For Ed. 1st never
pretended that he could, without the assent of Parliament, make laws to bind
any part of the realm.
Berwick, after the conquest of it, was governed by charters
from the Crown without the interposition of Parliament, till the reign of Jac.
1st.
All the
alterations in the laws of Gascony, Guienne, and Calais, must have been under
the King's authority; because all the Acts of Parliament relative to them are
extant. For they were in the reign of Edward 3d, and all the Acts of Parliament
of that time are extant. There are some Acts of Parliament relative to each of
these conquests that I have named, but none for any change of their laws, and
particularly with re-[211]-gard to Calais, which is alluded to as if their laws
were considered as given by the Crown.
1COWP. Ml CAMPBELL V. HALL 1049
Besides the garrison, there are inhabitants, property, and
trade in Gibraltar: ever since that conquest the King has made orders and
regulations suitable to those who live, &c. or trade, or enjoy property in
a garrison town.
The Attorney General alluded to a variety,of instances, and
several very lately, in which the King had exercised legislation in Minorca:
there, there are many inhabitants, much property, and trade. If it is said, that
the King does it as coining in the place of the King of Spain, because their
old constitution remains, the same argument holds here. For before the 7th
October 1763, the original constitution of Grenada continued, and the King
stood in place of their former Sovereign.
After the conquest of New York, in which most of the old
Dutch inhabitants remained, King Charles 2d changed the form of their
constitution and political Government; by granting it to the Duke of York, to
hold of his Crown, under all the regulations contained in the letters patent.
It is not to be wondered at that an adjudged case in point
has not been produced. No question was ever started before, but that the King
has a right to a legislative authority over a conquered country ; it was never
denied in Westminster-Hall; it never was questioned in Parliament. Coke's
report of the arguments and resolutions of the Judges in Calvin's case, lays it
down as clear. If a King (says the book) cornea to a kingdom by conquest, he
may change and alter the laws of that kingdon ; but if he comes to it by title
and descent, he cannot change the laws of himself without the consent of
Parliament.* It is plain he alludes to his own country, because he alludes to a
country where there is a Parliament,
The authority also of two great names has been cited, who
take the proposition for granted.
In the year 1722, the assembly of Jamaica being refractory, it was
referred to Sir Philip Yorke and Sir Clement Wearge, to know " what could
be done if the assembly should obstinately continue to withhold all the usual
supplies." They j
reported thus: "If Jamaica was still to be considered as a conquered
island, the King : had a right to levy taxes upon the inhabitants; but if it
was to be considered in the same light as the other colonies, no tax could be
imposed on the inhabitants but by an assembly of the island, or by an Act of
Parliament."
[212] They considered the distinction in law as clear, and
an indisputable conseÁquence of the island being in the one State or in the
other. Whether it remained a conquest, or was made a colony they did not
examine. I have upon former occasions traced the constitution of Jamaica, as
far as there are papers and records in the offices, and cannot find that any
Spaniard remained upon the island so late as the restoration ; if any, there
were very few. To a question I lately put to a person well informed arid
acquainted with the country, his answer was, there were no Spanish names among
the white inhabitants, there were among the negroes. King Charles 2d by
proclamation invited settlers there, he made grants of lands : he appointed at
first a governor and council only: afterwards he granted a commission to the
governor to call an assembly.
The constitution of every province, immediately under the
King, has arisen in the same manner; not from grants, but from commissions to
call assemblies ; and, thereÁfore, all the Spaniards having left the island or
been driven out, Jamaica from the first settling was an English colony, who
under the authority of the King planted a vacant island, belonging to him in
right of his Crown; like the cases of the island of St. Helena and St. John,
mentioned by Mr. Attorney General.
A maxim of constitutional law as declared by all the Judges
in Calvin's case, and which two such men, in modern times, as Sir Philip Yorke
and Sir Clement Wearge, took for granted, will require some authorities to
shake.
But on
the other side, no book, no saying, no opinion has been cited ; no instance in
any period of history produced, where a doubt has been raised concerning it.
The counsel for the plaintiff no doubt laboured this point from a diffidence of
what might be our opinion on the second question. But upon the second point,
after full consideration we are of opinion, that before the letters patent of
the 20th July, 1764, the King had precluded himself from the exercise of a
legislative authority over the island of Grenada.
The
first and material instrument is the proclamation of the 7th October, 1763.
* 7 Rep.
17 b.
1050 ELDRIDGB V. KNOTT I COWP. 213.
See what
it is that the King there says, with what view, and how he engages himself and
pledges his word.
"For the better security of the liberty and property of
those who are or shall become inhabitants of our island of Grenada, we have
declared by this our proclamaÁtion, that we have commissioned our governor (as
soon as the state and circum-[213]-stances of the colony will admit), to call
an assembly to enact laws," &c. With what view is this made1! It is to
invite settlers and subjects : and why to invite? That they might think their
properties, &c. more secure if the legislation was vested in an assembly,
than under a governor and council only.
Next, having established the constitution, the proclamation
of the 20th March, 1764, invites them to come in as purchasers: in further
confirmation of all this, on the 9th April, 1764, three months before July, an
actual commission is made out to the governor to call an assembly as soon as
the state of the island would admit thereof. You observe, there is no
reservation in the proclamation of any legislature to be exercised by the King,
or by the governor and council under his authority in any manner, until the
assembly should meet; but rather the contrary: for whatever construction is to
bo put upon it, which, perhaps, may be very difficult through all the cases to
which it may be applied, it alludes to a government by laws in being, and by
Courts of Justice, not by a legislative authority, until an assembly should be
called. There does not appear from the special verdict, any impediment to the
calling an assembly immediately on the arrival of the governor, which was in
December, 1764. But no assembly was called then or at any time afterwards, till
the end of the year 1765.
We therefore think, that by the two proclamations and the
commission to Governor Melville, the King had immediately and irrecoverably
granted to all who were or should became inhabitants, or who had, or should
acquire property in the island of Grenada, or more generally to all whom it
might concern, that the subordinate legislation over the island should be
exercised by an assembly with the consent of the governor and council, in like
manner as the other islands belonging to the King.
Therefore, though the abolishing the duties of the French
King and the substituting this tax in its stead, which according to the finding
in this special verdict is paid in all the British Leeward Islands, is just and
equitable with respect to Grenada itself, and the other British Leeward Islands,
yet, through the inattention of the King's ˜ servants, in inverting the order
in which the instruments should have passed, and 1 been notoriously published,
the last Act is contradictory to, and a violation of the first, and is,
therefore, void. How proper
soever it may be in respect to the object of the letters patent of the 20th
July, 1764, to use the words of Sir Philip Yorke and Sir Clement Wearge,
"It can only [214] now be done, by the assembly of the island, or by an
Act of the Parliament of Great Britain."
The
consequence is, judgment must be given for the plaintiff.